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Yulia Latynina Op/Ed on Litvinenko

An important op/ed from Yulia Latynina in the Moscow Times regarding the Litvinenko case.

Wednesday, November 29, 2006. Issue 3550. Page 8. The Lessons of Litvinenko's Death By Yulia Latynina

Alexander Litvinenko died last week in a London hospital from polonium-210 poisoning. I won't waste time on the rumors that Litvinenko was poisoned by enemies of President Vladimir Putin. Or that Litvinenko, like the noncommissioned officer's wife in Gogol's play "The Inspector General," "flogged" himself.

On a number of occasions in the last few years, we went to bed in one country and woke up in another. The first was the arrest of Mikhail Khodorkovsky in 2003. Then came the Beslan school siege in 2004 and the subsequent elimination of direct gubernatorial elections.

After Ukraine's Orange Revolution in late 2004 and early 2005, we went to sleep in a country that was not terribly intelligent, and whose president personally bullied its neighbors and worked as a tub-thumper for Viktor Yanukovych. We awoke in a country surrounded by malicious imperialist enemies.

But in the last two months, we have awoken in a different country three times: following the government's anti-Georgian campaign, the murder of investigative journalist Anna Politkovskaya and the death of Litvinenko.

These events are just signs along the road to a place filled with prison camps. By a strange coincidence, they followed major economic changes. As recently as last summer, the Kremlin seriously thought that Europe would let Russia buy into its gas distribution networks and that it would invest in developing gas and oil fields in this country. But there was no rush to invest, and there was no question of letting Russia buy into distribution networks.

The great political illusion exploded. And as happens any time an illusion explodes here, the leadership responded with personal annoyance and finger-pointing at external enemies. With the illusion gone, only the road and its ominous signs remained.

Litvinenko's death could have three consequences. First, an apostate has been silenced, potentially sending a warning to anyone who might betray the security services. At shooting ranges where intelligence agents hone their skills, pictures of Litvinenko used to hang on the targets. Perhaps when the great illusion fell apart the pictures were swapped for the original.

Second, his death could turn Russia into a rogue state. In the final analysis regimes are not divided into parliamentary and presidential. They are divided into regimes that are capable of poisoning the opposition with polonium-210 and those that are not. I doubt that President Vladimir Putin will find it easy to explain to his buddy, U.S. President George W. Bush, that Politkovskaya was whacked by renegade thugs. Were the people who slipped Litvinenko the polonium-210 no more than thugs, too?

If Russian agents carried out the operation to eliminate Litvinenko, they did so with no more elegance than we saw in the case of Chechen rebel leader Zelimkhan Yandarbiyev, who was killed in 2004 in a car blast in Qatar.

There was no need for elegance in the Litvinenko case, however. The polonium seems to have been left like a spy's calling card -- not to prove to the world that Russia is run by the security services, but to prove this to Putin.

Putin has surrounded himself with friends who were not trained to run businesses or to run the country. They were trained to carry out special operations. They were trained to eliminate enemies of the regime. And when there aren't any real enemies, they have to be created.

For some reason, as more enemies of the regime are eliminated, their number continues to grow. And Putin is left alone, surrounded by enemies from whom only his friends can save him.

Yulia Latynina hosts a political talk show on Ekho Moskvy radio.

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Comments (4)

afton:

What is the maximum number of characters permitted in a comment?

James:

I'm not sure ... just do a couple of paragraphs per comment and feel free to post as many as necessary (within reason, naturally).

Afton:

One could make a very good case that the war in Chechnya actually constitutes a program of genocide by the Soviet Union of Russia against the Chechen people.

Perhaps Mr Amsterdam should pursue that option by organizing a prosecution of the Russian government in the International Court of Justice (ICJ)in the Hague
under the Convention on Genocide of 1948.

It should not be difficult to find a financial sponsor for such a case.

The Chechens are mostly Muslims and there would be at least a few wealthy Muslims who would be willing to anonymously finance such a prosecution.

However only sovereign states may sponsor legal proceedings in the ICJ
and it might be difficult to find a suitable sovereign sponsor.

One possibility would be one of the smaller Muslim states.

Another possibility and perhaps the best one would be for the Irish Republic to officially sponsor such a case in the ICJ.

Ireland is another small country which has in the past suffered genocidal policies inflicted on
the Irish people by an occupying empire.

They would certainly have some sympathy for what the Putin administration,
(aka the Soviet Union of Russia)
has done to the Chechen people.

Ireland is presently a stable state
with very little direct trade with Russia
and the Russians would have much difficulty in destablizing it politically and economically.

One good way to stop a Russian tank is to simply shove a stick of wood or a piece of pipe into its bogies so as to jam the drive-mechanism and thus stall the tank.

Prosecuting Russia for genocide in Chechnya in the ICJ would certainly stop the Putin administration in its tracks as well.

This would certainly be a very interesting legal case.

ROBERT:

Suppose we wake up tomorrow morning and find out that Yulia has been shot and killed, or poisoned. What do you think we should do then?

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This page contains a single entry from the blog posted on November 28, 2006 10:32 PM.

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